Leadership
Six Studies in World Strategy
(Sprache: Englisch)
Henry Kissinger, consummate diplomat and statesman, examines the strategies of six great twentieth-century figures and brings to life a unifying theory of leadership and diplomacy
In Leadership, Henry Kissinger presents a far-reaching study of six...
In Leadership, Henry Kissinger presents a far-reaching study of six...
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Henry Kissinger, consummate diplomat and statesman, examines the strategies of six great twentieth-century figures and brings to life a unifying theory of leadership and diplomacyIn Leadership, Henry Kissinger presents a far-reaching study of six impactful leaders in modern history: Charles de Gaulle, Konrad Adenauer, Margaret Thatcher, Richard Nixon, Lee Kuan Yew, and Anwar Sadat. Emering in a period of institutional and imperial collapse across the globe, these leaders created a new international order from the vestiges of the old. Drawing not only on his deep study of history, but also his distinguished career in government, Kissinger pulls back the curtain to expose the masterful strategies of these great geopolitical minds. What results is a subtle and discerning portrait of modern statecraft, revealing timeless lessons on strategy, diplomacy, and leadership.
Looking far beyond their well-known victories and defeats, Kissinger contextualizes their highly individual strategies of statecraft over the scope of their lives - from their rise to power, to controversies and reversals, to epoch-making decisions and achievements. From Kissinger's unique vantage point and through his personal relationships with his subjects, we see not only the impact of these far-sighted statesmen during their period in power, but also their legacies.
Throughout, Kissinger sheds light on leadership in times of war and peace and negotiation across gaping divides. Essential reading for all hoping to master the arts of command, persuasion, and inspiration, Leadership is at once sweeping in its scope and intimate in its perspective.
Lese-Probe zu „Leadership “
1Konrad Adenauer:
The Strategy of Humility
The Necessity of Renewal
In January 1943, at the Casablanca Conference, the Allies proclaimed that they would accept nothing less than the 'unconditional surrender' of the Axis powers. US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was the driving force behind the announcement, sought to deprive any successor government to Hitler of the ability to claim that it had been deluded into surrender by unfulfilled promises. Germany's complete military defeat, together with its total loss of moral and international legitimacy, led inexorably to the progressive disintegration of the German civil structure.
I observed this process as part of the 84th Infantry Division of the US army as it moved from the German border near the industrial Ruhr territory to the Elbe River near Magdeburg - just 100 miles away from the then-raging Battle of Berlin. As the division was crossing the German border, I was transferred to a unit responsible for security and prevention of the guerrilla activity that Hitler had ordered.
For a person like me, whose family had fled the small Bavarian city of F rth six years earlier to escape racial persecution, no greater contrast with the Germany of my youth could have been imagined. Then, Hitler had just annexed Austria and was in the process of dismembering Czechoslovakia. The dominant attitude of the German people verged on the overbearing.
Now, white sheets hung from many windows to signify the surrender of the population. The Germans, who a few years earlier had celebrated the prospect of dominating Europe from the English Channel to the Volga River, were cowed and bewildered. Thousands of displaced persons - deported from Eastern Europe as forced labor during the war - crowded the streets in quest of food and shelter and the possibility of returning home.
It was a desperate period in German history. Food shortages were severe. Many starved, and infant mortality was twice that of the rest
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of Western Europe. The established exchange of goods and services collapsed; black markets took its place. Mail service ranged from impaired to nonexistent. Rail service was sporadic and transport by road made extremely difficult by the ravages of war and the shortage of gasoline.
In the spring of 1945, the task of occupying forces was to institute some kind of civil order until trained military government personnel could replace combat troops. This occurred around the time of the Potsdam conference in July and August (of Churchill/Attlee, Truman and Stalin). At that summit, the Allies divided Germany into four occupation zones: for the United States, a southern portion containing Bavaria; for Britain, the industrial northern Rhineland and Ruhr Valley; for France, the southern Rhineland and territory along the Alsatian border; and for the Soviets, a zone running from the Elbe River to the Oder-Neisse Line, which formed the new Polish frontier, reducing prewar German territory by nearly a quarter. The three Western zones were each placed under the jurisdiction of a senior official of the occupying powers with the title of high commissioner.
German civil governance, once demonstrably efficient and unchallengeable, had come to an end. Ultimate authority was now exercised by occupation forces down to the county (Kreis) level. These forces maintained order, but it took the better part of eighteen months for communications to be restored to predictable levels. During the winter of 1945-6, fuel shortages obliged even Konrad Adenauer, who was to become chancellor four years later, to sleep in a heavy overcoat.
Occupied Germany carried not only the burden of its immediate past but also of the complexity of its history. In the seventy-four years since unification, Germany had been governed successively as a monarchy, a republic and a totalitarian state. By the end of the war, the only memory of stable governance harked b
In the spring of 1945, the task of occupying forces was to institute some kind of civil order until trained military government personnel could replace combat troops. This occurred around the time of the Potsdam conference in July and August (of Churchill/Attlee, Truman and Stalin). At that summit, the Allies divided Germany into four occupation zones: for the United States, a southern portion containing Bavaria; for Britain, the industrial northern Rhineland and Ruhr Valley; for France, the southern Rhineland and territory along the Alsatian border; and for the Soviets, a zone running from the Elbe River to the Oder-Neisse Line, which formed the new Polish frontier, reducing prewar German territory by nearly a quarter. The three Western zones were each placed under the jurisdiction of a senior official of the occupying powers with the title of high commissioner.
German civil governance, once demonstrably efficient and unchallengeable, had come to an end. Ultimate authority was now exercised by occupation forces down to the county (Kreis) level. These forces maintained order, but it took the better part of eighteen months for communications to be restored to predictable levels. During the winter of 1945-6, fuel shortages obliged even Konrad Adenauer, who was to become chancellor four years later, to sleep in a heavy overcoat.
Occupied Germany carried not only the burden of its immediate past but also of the complexity of its history. In the seventy-four years since unification, Germany had been governed successively as a monarchy, a republic and a totalitarian state. By the end of the war, the only memory of stable governance harked b
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Autoren-Porträt von Henry Kissinger
Henry Kissinger
Bibliographische Angaben
- Autor: Henry Kissinger
- 2022, 528 Seiten, Maße: 23,9 x 16,4 cm, Gebunden, Englisch
- Verlag: Penguin Random House
- ISBN-10: 0593489446
- ISBN-13: 9780593489444
- Erscheinungsdatum: 29.07.2022
Sprache:
Englisch
Pressezitat
An extraordinary book, one that braids together two through lines in the long and distinguished career of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. The first is grand strategy: No practical geopolitical thinker has more assuredly mastered the way the modern global system works or how nations use the tools of statecraft to bend an often-resistant world to their will. But Mr. Kissinger is also an astute observer of the personal element in strategy the art and science of leadership, or how, on the executive level, decisions [are] made, trust earned, promises kept, a way forward proposed. In Leadership he presents a fascinating set of historical case studies and political biographies that blend the dance and the dancer, seamlessly. James Stavridis, The Wall Street JournalAlthough Kissinger, now aged 99, has not held office since 1977, he has advised virtually every US president since Nixon. . . . Elder statesman is an overused term but Kissinger is the genuine article, and worth listening to. Financial Times
A must read. . . . [Kissinger] continues to contribute to our understanding of the world. His books including this one will hopefully be read well into the future. Indeed, our present and future leaders would benefit from reading all of Kissinger s books. They are timeless. New York Journal of Books
Kissinger s combination of historical awareness, personal familiarity with the leaders, and diplomatic experience provides for a cogent read on the iconic statesmen of the Cold War era. The New Criterion
Kissinger fulfills expectations with a reflective, contextual analysis of 20th century political leaders he knew. . . . Recommended for Kissinger s distinctive perspectives imbedded in scholarly, readable prose. Library Journal (starred review)
One of America s most legendary diplomats finds the soul in statecraft in these enlightening sketches of world leaders. . . . Kissinger infuses his lucid policy
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analyses with colorful firsthand observations. . . . Kissinger s portraits of politicians spinning weakness and defeat into renewed strength are captivating. This is a vital study of power in action. Publishers Weekly
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