The Putin Paradox: An attempt to shed light on Russian reasoning for full-fledged support of their president
(Sprache: Englisch)
Russia is an enigma. In the western hemisphere, respectively the countries of the European Union and USA, it produces a lot of suspicion and resentments. Its vast spatial dimensions, in terms of size; its controversial history and its stubborn focus on...
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Russia is an enigma. In the western hemisphere, respectively the countries of the European Union and USA, it produces a lot of suspicion and resentments. Its vast spatial dimensions, in terms of size; its controversial history and its stubborn focus on sovereignty, when it comes to foreign policy and the international community, are the most prominent sources for difficulties of understanding. In addition, the Russian people liketo sustain a hint of mystery themselves, in claiming that no other nationality can understand them. Apart from stereotypes and prejudices about typical Russian people and characteristics, there are a handful of assumptions one encounters that cling to public opinion about Russia s political landscape.This work will treat the Russian political system as a contemporary phenomenon. Let us assume all of those assumptions are held true; why does the Russian population still accept those deficits? The fact that the circumstances can be that unpromising, and not many people try tochange something, leaves many spectators speechless. Where does the popular support of society for President Putin come from? Which is the source of stability? Why were the civil opposition movements in 2012/2013 mostly ignored by the majority? What are the reasons for the lack of proneness to protest? Do Russians perceive the political system differently; do they maybe put another focus? Or do they simply fear oppression?
The central question, which will be answered, consequently reads "Why does the Russian population supports Putin s political system and regime?"
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Text Sample:Chapter. Part 3: Case Study Russia:
Examining the debate on the political system in Russia, three diagnoses are often represented:
Result 1: The Russian system is not a democracy.
Result 2: Russians strive for democracy.
Result 3: Russians support President Putin.
Accounts of all three judgements will be evaluated to assess their empirical evidence. The three assumptions then will be considered in conjunction to detect possible contradictions.
To be able to conflate theory and practice with respect to states, the state s background, the prevalent notion of statehood and the behaviour of its leader must be examined.
For that reason I give a brief survey of recent leadership in Russia. Subsequently the concept of Path dependence will be applied in terms of the Trauma Path Paradigm (Chapter 2.4).
Chapter 3.1, STATE OF INQUIRY:
Evaluating current articles on democracy and political society in Russia, three findings will be formulated in a provocative manner. They represent three currents of scientific results on Russia. The main question is, whether Russia fulfils the requirements of democracy or fails to meet them.
If such deficiencies are found, which will be addressed in 3.1.1 the next questions shall be a) whether the people are aware of those shortcomings (also 3.1.1), b) if they are supportive towards President Putin (3.1.2), c) Motives for striving for democracy (0 & 3.2).
Chappter 3.1., RESULT 1: THE RUSSIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM IS DEFECT AND DYSFUNCTIONAL :
With reference to the common understanding of democracy, illustrated in Chapter 2.1, the following chapter will keep track of different analyses, questioning the full democratic character of the Russian system. The most recurrent aspects of the Russian democratic deficiency shall be enlisted first, to prove the claims afterwards with respect to textual evidences from the analyses at hand:
1. De jure parliamentary democracy after the role model of the fifth French republic, de facto
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presidential democracy after the US-American model, but without the necessary division of power between judicative, legislative and executive (Mommsen 2010, 30)
2. Economy and politics are intertwined and interdependent (Cf. Tatur 1998)
3. Political opposition is suppressed and controlled via administrative barriers. It cannot be taken seriously and is not engaged in a serious competition with the leading party.
4. There is no considerable free media; pro-Kremlin voices outnumber the unbiased ones.
Even though the Russian constitution defines the rules for democracy explicitly, and gives equal rights to the parliament, the president and the government, headed by the prime minister, the parliament in fact has no real power. In comparison with the federation council, the parliament mainly has affirmative powers, but neither makes own policies, nor has real veto power. The decisive power only lies in the hands of the president; the ministerial cabinet is rather taking care of economic questions, than setting the political direction. Following the maximalist principles of a democracy, a governing cabinet supported by the party structures within an intact parliament, is necessary. According to Mommsen (2010) the presidential administration is not subject to that kind of democratic scrutiny [p. 31] in Russia. Other institutional substitutes for bodies of democratic balance under the supremacy of the presidential organs were created. Among those were the Executive Representatives of the president, the state council and the Civic chamber of the Russian federation. [p.32] These mechanisms were a continuation of the erosion of a functioning power distribution. The establishment of a façade democracy proceeded.
Another indicator of undemocratic tendencies within the Russian system is the highly clientelist and familiarist set-up of the Russian political space. Although President Putin has diminished the power of the so-called Oligarchs considerably, a small number of indivi
2. Economy and politics are intertwined and interdependent (Cf. Tatur 1998)
3. Political opposition is suppressed and controlled via administrative barriers. It cannot be taken seriously and is not engaged in a serious competition with the leading party.
4. There is no considerable free media; pro-Kremlin voices outnumber the unbiased ones.
Even though the Russian constitution defines the rules for democracy explicitly, and gives equal rights to the parliament, the president and the government, headed by the prime minister, the parliament in fact has no real power. In comparison with the federation council, the parliament mainly has affirmative powers, but neither makes own policies, nor has real veto power. The decisive power only lies in the hands of the president; the ministerial cabinet is rather taking care of economic questions, than setting the political direction. Following the maximalist principles of a democracy, a governing cabinet supported by the party structures within an intact parliament, is necessary. According to Mommsen (2010) the presidential administration is not subject to that kind of democratic scrutiny [p. 31] in Russia. Other institutional substitutes for bodies of democratic balance under the supremacy of the presidential organs were created. Among those were the Executive Representatives of the president, the state council and the Civic chamber of the Russian federation. [p.32] These mechanisms were a continuation of the erosion of a functioning power distribution. The establishment of a façade democracy proceeded.
Another indicator of undemocratic tendencies within the Russian system is the highly clientelist and familiarist set-up of the Russian political space. Although President Putin has diminished the power of the so-called Oligarchs considerably, a small number of indivi
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Autoren-Porträt von Jonas Wolterstorff
Jonas Frederik Wolterstorff, B.A., was born in Göttingen. During his Bachelor of European Studies at the Otto von Guericke University Magdeburg he took part in exchange semesters in Istanbul, Turkey and Nizhny Novgorod, Russia. It was in Russia where he was intrigued by the contradiction between Public Opinion and voting practices that led to the work assembled in this book. He now devotes his academic and personal efforts towards the challenge of sustainability. In his Master of Science of Sustainable Development in Utrecht with exchange semesters in Leipzig, Germany and Stellenbosch, South Africa, he is (still) fascinated by societal phenomena like decision making processes, mass dynamics and opinion shaping. Currently, he is working on his Master Thesis on Persuasive Technologies and Behavioral Change towards sustainable lifestyles.
Bibliographische Angaben
- Autor: Jonas Wolterstorff
- 2015, Ungekürzte Ausgabe, 84 Seiten, 8 Abbildungen, Maße: 15,5 x 22 cm, Kartoniert (TB), Englisch
- Verlag: Anchor Academic Publishing
- ISBN-10: 3954893673
- ISBN-13: 9783954893676
Sprache:
Englisch
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