Graduate employability in Vietnam : A loose relationship between higher education and employment market
(Sprache: Englisch)
This book addresses the issue of graduate employability (GE) within the changing context of contemporary Vietnam. GE has become a highly topical and contested issue in Vietnam. Employers report that university students are not suitably prepared for work,...
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This book addresses the issue of graduate employability (GE) within the changing context of contemporary Vietnam. GE has become a highly topical and contested issue in Vietnam. Employers report that university students are not suitably prepared for work, and universities are often criticised for their poor commitment to developing student employability assets. However, it is suggested that enhancing GE in Vietnam involves many factors that are often underplayed in the general literature. In the Vietnamese context, both the education system and the economy remain relatively underdeveloped; students are schooled to be passive learners; and corrupt employment practices remain rife. Moreover, Confucian cultural features of face saving, hierarchical order in decision making, and the role of rumour and hearsay in a collectivist culture each play an important part in the different ways university graduates negotiate their transition to employment. Thus, in order to enhance the development of GE in Vietnam, all related stakeholders need opportunities to collaborate so that a mutual understanding of the problem is arrived at and feasible solutions are developed and implemented.
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Chapter 2.1.1, The development of the Vietnamese economy after Doi Moi:Vietnam is a mainly agricultural country with nearly 87 million people, of whom the majority live in the countryside and rural areas (General Statistics Office, 2012b). After Doi Moi in 1986, the Vietnamese economy experienced impressive growth and considerable wealth expansion. Doi Moi had a significant and immediate impact on the economy which involved agriculture becoming privatised, property rights being introduced, price controls and controls on foreign trade being eased and Vietnam re-engaging with the international economy (Glewwe, Agrawal, & Dollar, 2004). One remarkable change in the economy after Doi Moi was the development of a multi-sector economy. Before Doi Moi, there were only two economic sectors in Vietnam, namely the state economic sector and the cooperative economic sector. With four more sectors added after the reform, the multi-sector economy allows and encourages private and foreign investment organisations to develop their business in Vietnam (Nguyen Loc, 2006).
Vietnam has experienced strong growth in both private sectors and foreign direct investment. With the annual average Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate of 7.5%, the economy has recorded a relatively high growth rate compared to other developing countries (Ministry of Planning and Investment, 2006). Along with the growth in GDP, there has also been a significant change in the structure of the economy. With more and more private and foreign direct investment enterprises, the country now is marked by an increasing number of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) with 87% of enterprises employing less than 50 employees and 57% of enterprises employing less than 10 employees (General Statistics Office, 2008). According to the Spring 2011 report, the number of Vietnamese SMEs in 2011 was nearing 400,000, which represents 97-99% of the number of businesses of the country. These SMEs employed 77% of the workforce
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and accounted for 80% of the retail market (Runckel, 2011).
The structure of the labour market in Vietnam has also changed accordingly. Although Vietnam remains a predominantly agricultural country, the share of employment in agriculture has declined, while the share of jobs in industry and service sectors has both sharply increased (The World Bank, 2008). Alongside the shift to more varied job opportunities, employees have also experienced significant changes in employment processes. Before Doi Moi, all graduates had work places arranged for them by the government. Most were sent to rural areas for a few years before returning to work in the city or where they preferred to go. Doi Moi marked an important change: graduates would now be required to find the type of work as well as the location of work by themselves (Vu Ngoc Hai, Dang Ba Lam, & Tran Khanh Duc, 2007). However, for several years after Doi Moi, and despite the shift to six sectors, the state sector still dominated the economy. For many, influence, relationship and bribery remained significant to securing employment (Rama & Võ Van Kiet, 2008). Even though the economy has recently expanded with many jobs created in other sectors, the criteria for recruitment in the state sector are still considered by many job seekers as the standard for preparing themselves in applying for jobs (Pham Thi Huyen, 2008). However, this is no longer an appropriate strategy in gaining employment for the majority of young people. An increasing number of jobs offered in the market are from SMEs that often have different requirements to very large government organisations. Nonetheless, the importance of relationship, connection and black money in employment remains a popular part of the Vietnamese collectivist culture. This often drives students and their families to acquiesce and participate in corrupt labour market practices. In the next section, I will discuss in more detail the issue of corruption in the Vietnamese labour marke
The structure of the labour market in Vietnam has also changed accordingly. Although Vietnam remains a predominantly agricultural country, the share of employment in agriculture has declined, while the share of jobs in industry and service sectors has both sharply increased (The World Bank, 2008). Alongside the shift to more varied job opportunities, employees have also experienced significant changes in employment processes. Before Doi Moi, all graduates had work places arranged for them by the government. Most were sent to rural areas for a few years before returning to work in the city or where they preferred to go. Doi Moi marked an important change: graduates would now be required to find the type of work as well as the location of work by themselves (Vu Ngoc Hai, Dang Ba Lam, & Tran Khanh Duc, 2007). However, for several years after Doi Moi, and despite the shift to six sectors, the state sector still dominated the economy. For many, influence, relationship and bribery remained significant to securing employment (Rama & Võ Van Kiet, 2008). Even though the economy has recently expanded with many jobs created in other sectors, the criteria for recruitment in the state sector are still considered by many job seekers as the standard for preparing themselves in applying for jobs (Pham Thi Huyen, 2008). However, this is no longer an appropriate strategy in gaining employment for the majority of young people. An increasing number of jobs offered in the market are from SMEs that often have different requirements to very large government organisations. Nonetheless, the importance of relationship, connection and black money in employment remains a popular part of the Vietnamese collectivist culture. This often drives students and their families to acquiesce and participate in corrupt labour market practices. In the next section, I will discuss in more detail the issue of corruption in the Vietnamese labour marke
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Autoren-Porträt von June Tran
Dr. Thi Tuyet (June) Tran has been working at the University of Languages and International Studies, Vietnam National University, Hanoi since 1996. She has strong research interest in graduate employability. She has published more than 10 academic journal articles and book chapters discussing the issue of graduate employability and Vietnamese higher education.
Bibliographische Angaben
- Autor: June Tran
- 2014, Erstauflage, 184 Seiten, Maße: 15,5 x 22 cm, Kartoniert (TB), Englisch
- Verlag: Anchor Academic Publishing
- ISBN-10: 3954892529
- ISBN-13: 9783954892525
Sprache:
Englisch
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