Weapons of Mass Delusion
When the Republican Party Lost Its Mind
(Sprache: Englisch)
One of The Washington Post's 10 Best Books of 2022
The disturbing eyewitness account of how a new breed of Republicans led by Marjorie Taylor Greene, Paul Gosar, Matt Gaetz, Lauren Boebert, and Madison Cawthorn far from moving on from Trump, have...
The disturbing eyewitness account of how a new breed of Republicans led by Marjorie Taylor Greene, Paul Gosar, Matt Gaetz, Lauren Boebert, and Madison Cawthorn far from moving on from Trump, have...
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One of The Washington Post's 10 Best Books of 2022The disturbing eyewitness account of how a new breed of Republicans led by Marjorie Taylor Greene, Paul Gosar, Matt Gaetz, Lauren Boebert, and Madison Cawthorn far from moving on from Trump, have taken the politics of hysteria to even greater extremes and brought American democracy to the edge
The violent insurrection at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, was a terrible day for American democracy, but many people dared to hope that at least it would break the fever that had overcome the Republican Party and banish Trump's relentless lies about the stealing of the 2020 election. That is not what happened. Instead, the big steal has become dogma among an ever-higher percentage of American Republicans. What happened to the Republican Party, and America, during the Trump presidency is a story we more or less think we know. What has happened to the party since, it turns out, is even more disquieting. That is the story Robert Draper tells in Weapons of Mass Delusion.
Through his extraordinarily intrepid cross-country reporting, Draper chronicles the road from January 6 to the 2022 midterms among the Republican base and in the U.S. Congress, rendering unforgettable portraits of how Marjorie Taylor Greene and her ilk came to shape their party s terms of engagement to an extent that would have been unimaginable even five years ago. He also brings to life the efforts of a dwindling group of Republicans who are willing to push back against the falsehoods, in the face of a group of ascendent demagogues who are merrily weaponizing them. With a base whipped up into a perpetual frenzy of outrage by conspiracy theories not just about the big steal but about COVID and vaccines, pedophilia and Antifa and Black Lives Matter and George Soros and President Obama, and on and on and on the forces of reason within the GOP are on the defensive, to put it mildly. The book also benefits
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greatly from reporting conducted in Texas, Arizona, Georgia, New Hampshire, and other bellwether states in the country of the mind one might call a fever of undending conspiracies.
Robert Draper has been a wise, fearless, and fair-minded chronicler of the American political scene for over twenty-five years. He has seen the good, the bad, and the ugly. He has never seen it this ugly. Ultimately, this book tells the story of a fearful test of our ability, as a country, to hold together a system of government grounded in truth and the rule of law. Written on the eve of the 2022 midterm elections, Draper s account of a party teetering on the precipice of madness reveals how the GOP fringe became its center of gravity.
Robert Draper has been a wise, fearless, and fair-minded chronicler of the American political scene for over twenty-five years. He has seen the good, the bad, and the ugly. He has never seen it this ugly. Ultimately, this book tells the story of a fearful test of our ability, as a country, to hold together a system of government grounded in truth and the rule of law. Written on the eve of the 2022 midterm elections, Draper s account of a party teetering on the precipice of madness reveals how the GOP fringe became its center of gravity.
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Lese-Probe zu „Weapons of Mass Delusion “
Chapter OneThe Dentist-Patriot
At eight thirty in the morning on January 6, 2021, a tall and wispy-haired man in a gray tweed overcoat with a red necktie stood at the Ellipse with his back to the Washington Monument-seemingly alone, except that he happened to be posing for a photograph that would soon be posted to his Twitter account beneath the phrase "Morning in America." He wore a COVID face mask decorated with the American flag, pulled well below his nose. He moved with a slightly rolling gait from a hip injury and twitched a bit from an unspecified neurological disorder but otherwise cut an indistinct figure-the kind of man who managed to draw attention only through painstaking effort.
Paul Gosar was his name. He was a dentist by trade and by disposition, the kind of fellow one could easily imagine pleasantly humming ancient melodies and cracking cornball jokes while his fingers rifled through the mouth of a captive audience.
Gosar was no one's idea of a history maker. But history swivels, more often than not, from rogue acts committed by rogue actors who trip the wire and blow up the bridge and then are barely heard from again.
This, at least, was Paul Gosar's intention, except for the barely-heard-from-again part.
For the past decade, Gosar had been a U.S. congressman. He was a Republican whose district in Arizona was one of the most conservative in America. His ten-year span of legislative accomplishment was relatively thin: a few post office renamings, several federal land exchanges, a couple of lucrative federal works projects in his district, and most of all, four years of assisting the Trump administration in slashing environmental protections on Arizona's federally owned lands.
Until that day, Paul Gosar's reputation, to the extent that he had one, was not the kind an officeholder traditionally sought to cultivate. His fellow House Republicans found him odd and occasionally offensive. Some harbored deeper concerns
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about the man. As one of Gosar's office staffers was advised by a top Republican operative, "You need to get out of there. That man is insane."
And as another senior GOP aide would reflect, "Gosar was my nominee to be that guy who comes in with a sawed-off shotgun one day."
But Gosar was in fact ahead of his time. He had dedicated much of his political career to building a portfolio of outrageous conduct even before social media's "attention economy" was fully capable of rewarding him for it. First, as a candidate in 2010, he espoused doubts about President Obama's American citizenship. Then came Obama administration mini scandals-the tragic attack on the U.S. embassy in Benghazi, Libya; the gunrunning fiasco gone awry in Operation Fast and Furious; the appearance that the IRS was targeting conservative groups-each of which Gosar cast as Watergate-scale malfeasances.
As his congressional tenure wore on, the Arizona dentist appeared to drift increasingly further from the mainstream. In 2015, Gosar, a devout Roman Catholic, became the only legislator to refuse to attend the historic address of Pope Francis to Congress organized by Gosar's Republican leader in the House, Speaker John Boehner. The reason for his boycott, he said, was that the pope's views on climate change amounted to "socialist talking points." Two years later, Gosar speculated to an astonished journalist from Vice that the violent white-supremacist rally in Charlottesville was actually "created by the left" and underwritten by the Hungarian-born Jewish liberal donor George Soros, who, Gosar baselessly claimed, "turned in his own people to the Nazis." By 2019, he and a fellow Republican outlier, Louie Gohmert from Texas, were insisting to bewildered colleagues that all social media companies had conspired to design and install a kind of uber-algorithm to suppress conservative speech. In early 2020, Gosar implored Trump's secretary of education to w
And as another senior GOP aide would reflect, "Gosar was my nominee to be that guy who comes in with a sawed-off shotgun one day."
But Gosar was in fact ahead of his time. He had dedicated much of his political career to building a portfolio of outrageous conduct even before social media's "attention economy" was fully capable of rewarding him for it. First, as a candidate in 2010, he espoused doubts about President Obama's American citizenship. Then came Obama administration mini scandals-the tragic attack on the U.S. embassy in Benghazi, Libya; the gunrunning fiasco gone awry in Operation Fast and Furious; the appearance that the IRS was targeting conservative groups-each of which Gosar cast as Watergate-scale malfeasances.
As his congressional tenure wore on, the Arizona dentist appeared to drift increasingly further from the mainstream. In 2015, Gosar, a devout Roman Catholic, became the only legislator to refuse to attend the historic address of Pope Francis to Congress organized by Gosar's Republican leader in the House, Speaker John Boehner. The reason for his boycott, he said, was that the pope's views on climate change amounted to "socialist talking points." Two years later, Gosar speculated to an astonished journalist from Vice that the violent white-supremacist rally in Charlottesville was actually "created by the left" and underwritten by the Hungarian-born Jewish liberal donor George Soros, who, Gosar baselessly claimed, "turned in his own people to the Nazis." By 2019, he and a fellow Republican outlier, Louie Gohmert from Texas, were insisting to bewildered colleagues that all social media companies had conspired to design and install a kind of uber-algorithm to suppress conservative speech. In early 2020, Gosar implored Trump's secretary of education to w
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Autoren-Porträt von Robert Draper
Robert Draper is a contributing writer for the New York Times Magazine and National Geographic Magazine. He is the author of several books, including the New York Times bestseller, Dead Certain: The Presidency of George W. Bush. He lives in Washington D.C. with his wife, Kirsten Powers.
Bibliographische Angaben
- Autor: Robert Draper
- 2022, 400 Seiten, Maße: 16,1 x 24 cm, Gebunden, Englisch
- Verlag: Penguin Random House
- ISBN-10: 0593300149
- ISBN-13: 9780593300145
- Erscheinungsdatum: 24.10.2022
Sprache:
Englisch
Pressezitat
Vital and indispensable . . . [Draper s] rigorous reporting adds an unusual level of depth . . . The book s first section, One Day in Washington, will be consumed by most readers in a single breathless gulp. For an event as widely reported as the insurrection at the Capitol has been, Draper provides a startling level of new, first-person detail. We have watched the hearings. We have read the newspaper accounts of that dreadful day. But Draper s extensive interviews with 150 sources pierce the staid facts with vivid humanity . . . Fighting falsehood is all that matters if democracy is to survive, and Draper comes with the fiercest weapon yet: the truth. The Washington PostEngrossing. Michelle Goldberg, The New York Times
Draper provides pungent new anecdotes about and original analysis of the most outrageous actors [in the Trump era]. The Guardian
A masterpiece of meticulous reporting. George Will, Washington Post columnist
Vastly adds to our understanding of the Trump era. Politico
A must read. POLITICO Playbook
Excellent . . . In focusing on Trump s enablers in Congress and elsewhere, Draper helps to show why the fringe became the center in the GOP and why it isn t going away anytime soon. Jacob Heilbrunn, Washington Monthly
A seamless, terrifying, inside-the-room account and an unsparing one, at that about how the Republicans went from the party of Liz Cheney to the party of Marjorie Taylor Greene. Julia Ioffe, Puck
Fascinating. Anderson Cooper
Brilliant. Johh Heilemann, Showtime s The Circus
Deeply reported. Salon.com
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